Countries with cultural continuity and ancient traditions
have a rich legacy of folk science and Traditional Knowledge Systems. Only in
countries like North America and Australia, where original populations have
been almost decimated, such continuity of folk traditions is disrupted. In Western
nations with large colonies in the Old World, such knowledge systems were looked
down upon. It is this prejudice, which denies the importance of folk science
and ridicules it as superstition.
In the so-called Western Science it is seldom realised that traditional knowledge systems preserve the wisdom gained through millennia of experience, direct observation, and the word of mouth. Development projects based on new technologies are pushing the traditional knowledge systems towards extinction. This traditional wisdom of humankind needs to be preserved and used for our own survival. Emphasising the importance of Traditional Knowledge Systems, the United Nations University (1990's) proposal says, "Traditional knowledge or 'local knowledge' is a record of human achievement in comprehending the complexities of life and survival in often unfriendly environment. Traditional knowledge, which may be technical, social, organisational, or cultural was obtained as part of the great human experiment of survival and development."
We find today that science and folk-knowledge are contrasted
as contrasting categories. As pointed out by Nader (1996), the process of contrasting
Western Science with folk-knowledge systems extends to the demarcation of knowledge
systems in different categories of science/religion, rational/magical, and so
on. But we need to assert that these Western Science imposed hegemonic categories
are contrived and artificial.
Our experts, trained in the West, go to non-literate cultures and assume that they are 'knowledge blanks' which need to be filled in with the knowledge of science and technology. Our young development officers flaunt their 'scientific' knowledge to the primitive rural/tribal people. But cultures are never 'blanks'. Ramkrishnan (2000), the renowned ecologist, humbly admitted that the ecological management practices used by the tribes of the northeastern states are far superior to anything he could teach them. The plants, which the tribes cultivated, realising their benefits, have now disappeared. He says that we are realising their importance and gradually documenting them. A good example in this regard is the alder (Alnus nepalensis), which has been cultivated in the jhum (shifting cultivation) fields by the Khonoma farmers in Nagaland for centuries. It is of multiple uses to the farmers as it is a nitrogen-fixing tree and helps to retain the soil fertility. Its leaves are used as fodder and fertiliser, and, at the same time, it is also utilised as timber.
But in the Kumaun and Garhwal region, the government has ignored traditional knowledge. Where oak trees grew in abundance naturally, the state forest department started cultivating pine trees for commercial exploitation of resin, totally ignoring the traditional importance of oak trees. This has disturbed the ecosystem of the region.
Recording and documentation of traditional knowledge requires close participatory research with communities, as they help in identifying and preserving traditional knowledge in various ways. For example, there are a few trees and plants such as tulsi (Ocimun religiosum), which are considered sacred and worshipped by the people. The reason for this may be that such socially valued trees must be of great use. As a result, they have been preserved in the name of religion.
Let me briefly give some examples from Kumaun. There are numerous references where appearance of particular birds and flowering blossoms of particular plants are taken as markers of new seasons. Effects of winds of particular direction are predicted. Snowfall on wheat fields is considered good for the crop. Accurate time is fixed through observation of stars. In the Nanda folklore (Anthu), her curses and blessings on the pine and the oak are in fact descriptions of ecological properties of these trees. Depending upon on which part of the tree - top, middle or bottom - the crow makes its nest, the local folklore predicts the severity or otherwise of the coming winter snowfall. In the Kumauni folk medicine, the semen of a local fish (Schizothorax) is used for leucoderma. The Defence Research Laboratory at Pithoragarh, in Uttaranchal, has developed some potent medicines for leucoderma by using traditional medicinal herbs (Agrawal et al 1997).
Both copper and iron technologies in Central Himalayas are very ancient. Tamtas even today make copper jars and other objects. We have found ancient remains of old copper workings. The discovery of anthropomorphs from Pithoragarh district indicates that this technology may go back to II millennium BC. The rust-free iron pots and pans made by traditional ironsmiths of Kumaun were in great demand till a few decades back. Copper smithy also has an old tradition in Kumaun and is still popular though now the copper is imported from the plains (Agrawal & Kharakwal 1998; Atkinson 1980-81). We strongly feel that these ancient folk technologies should be documented and used for ecology-sustainable development of Uttaranchal.
The local shepherds travel for hundreds of kms in the hills and high altitude meadows, without ever getting lost. They can navigate through observations of stars as well as calculate the time. The whole territory is in some way mapped in their brains, and geographical features which look all similar to untrained eye become landmarks for them. These skills need to be documented and understood.
There are numerous examples of accurate geological observations transmitted through legends and myths. The geological history of the Kashmir valley is recorded in the Nilmata-Purana. Similarly, the braiding of the Satluj is recorded in the story of Vashishta trying to commit suicide and the Satluj breaking into hundreds of channels - hence called Satadru. The regression of the sea (>20,000 yrs. BP) is recorded in the legend of Parashuram who threw his parasu to push back the sea. Their models were personalised but the observations were right. In Nader's words, "The complimentarity of the literal and the figurative help us to realise that the distinction between myth and science is not structural, but procedural.... Myths in a broader, paradigmatic sense are condensed expressions of root metaphors that reflect the genius of particular knowledge traditions."
Ancient people in the Western hemisphere too have similar
folk knowledge traditions. Reporting on the navigational skills of the atoll
dwellers of western Caribbean islands of Micronesia, Goodenough says, "Several
things stand out about Carolinian navigational knowledge. It has all the features
of a practical science. It contains a massive amount of discrete information,
which, in the absence of writing and reference books, has to be committed to
memory. The information is highly organised in a systematic way; the different
ways of organising it provide much redundancy as an aid to recall. It involves
highly abstract thinking: the compass as a set of imaginary points at equal
intervals around the horizon, named for the stars and abstracted from their
perceived motions, but not identical with them; the use of 'drags' as imaginary
divisions of one's course of travel; the use of imaginary places as points of
reference to calculate 'drags'; and schematic mapping in the form of 'trigger
fish'" (in Nader 1996).
The same Polynesians have taught marine biologists the biology of fish populations. Johannes says, "The native fisherman searches with his eyes and ears and he is... more in touch with his prey and their surroundings than his modern, mechanised counterpart." Johannes admitted that he had "gained more new (to marine science) information during sixteen months of fieldwork... than... during the previous fifteen years". He explains, "This is because of my access to a store of unrecorded knowledge gathered by highly motivated observers over a period of centuries (in Nader 1996)."
Bielawski finds that the most significant difference between the Western Arctic and the Inuit sciences is that in the latter systems humans are placed in the space of nature and are inseparable from nature, while Arctic science does not. One has to remember that the Inuit knowledge is formed through 'doing', 'hearing about it' and 'being there' - all interactive and personalised forms of knowledge transmission.
Even if we compare the Traditional Knowledge Systems with
the modern science, we see that the former knowledge systems can also be very
demanding on human mental faculties. Folk knowledge was generated through millennia
of hands-on experimentation, observation and trial and error methods, and is
more eco-friendly a system of knowledge, in which humans are part of nature,
as nature is part of their being. As a result, in this system there is no exploitation
of nature but a symbiotic relationship with it.
India is replete with a variety of folklore and traditional knowledge systems. Perhaps they are better preserved in the isolation of the Himalayan region. These knowledge systems need to be studied, documented, preserved, and used for the benefit of humankind, before they are lost under the onslaught of Western Science and development projects based on them. Especially, for eco-friendly and sustainable development of Uttaranchal, these Traditional Knowledge Systems would prove very valuable. As far as I know, except in ethnobotany, tribal iron technology and water harvesting, not much work has been done to study folk knowledge systems in India.
We are not idealising the folk science. Humans have learnt and evolved with time, no doubt. But the so-called science should not silence and kill these ancient knowledge systems. Nader reminds us, "We need not idealise non-Western science to make the point that there are different types of knowledge that provide valid truths of use to human kind. If a dominant science silences that knowledge, we all lose."
Agrawal, D.P. 1990. Legends as models of science. Bulletin
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Agrawal, D.P. 1997. Traditional Knowledge Systems and Western Science. Current Science 73 (9): 731-733.
Agrawal, D.P. 1999. Early Indian iron technology, Himalayan contacts and Gangetic urbanisation. In Proc. The Fourth International Conference on the beginning of the use on Metals and Alloys (BUMA-IV). Matsue, Japan. The Japan Institute of Metals. Pp.53-58.
Agrawal, D.P. and J.S. Kharakwal. 1998. Central Himalayas: an Archaeological, Linguistic and Culural Synthesis. New Delhi: Aryan Books International.
Agrawal, D.P., D.S. Pokharia, A.N. Upreti. 1997. Central Himalayan Folklore (Jagars)., in an Inter-Disciplinary Perspective, (ed.) Khanduri B. M. & Nautiyal Vinod, Him Kanti: Archaeology, Art and History. Delhi: Book India Publishing Co. Pp. 173-183.
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Budd, Paul and Timothy Taylor. 1995. The faerie smith meets the bronze industry: magic versus science in the interpretation of prehistoric metal-making. World Archaeology 27(1): 133-143.
Nader, L. (Ed.). 1996. Naked Science: Anthroplogical Enquiry into Boundaries, Power & Knowledge. New York: Routledge.
Ramakrishnan, P. S. 2000. Farmers can only teach traditional knowledge. Down to Earth 31th August 2000.